Rohingya Muslims have suffered persecution and genocide in the Republic of Myanmar (formerly Burma) and have been expelled from the country by the military junta who are in power. The evidence is incontrovertible of grave human rights abuses and that the refugees have lived in diaspora with no prospect of returning home. The UN human rights investigators have compiled reports that testify to the inhumanities that they have suffered prior to their expulsion. Despite this, there has been no efforts towards redressing this problem which falls within the remit of international human rights and humanitarian law. The actions of the Myanmar authorities in using force can be considered as Non-International Armed Conflict (NIAC) and the UN intervention under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) measure, could be activated. This can serve as a basis for arresting the responsible officials in Myanmar and prosecuting them under an international tribunal. This has not been possible because of the lack of consensus in the international community and the exercise of the veto power by some members of the Security Council. This article argues that there should be intervention in this conflict under the existing precedent by broadening the scope of intervention and then by prosecution in a specially constituted tribunal. The R2P mechanism can be activated by prescribing the genocide of the Rohingyas within the framework of an NIAC and by constituting a tribunal under the Tadic principle to try the members of the Myanmar’s regime for their breaches of IHL.

Field and Aims: Although genocide was not an independent crime in the past and was subject to crimes against humanity, the severity and heinous nature of the acts, as well as the special malice that is unique to this crime, quickly recognized it as an independent crime in international documents. This crime has been committed against various groups throughout history, the most recent of which is the Rohingya Muslim. Therefore, while examining the concept and nature of this crime, we study what are the legal dimensions of the genocide of Rohingya Muslims? Method: This is a qualitative and applied research in terms of purpose and in terms of collecting information by documentary method and studying international documents, sources related to the subject and the obtained information has been analyzed descriptively-analytically. Findings and conclusion: Although genocide is prohibited and criminalized in international instruments, including the Treaty on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Rome Statute, it is one of the crimes that is now a customary international law that obliges all non-member states to commit such acts. Numerous crimes have been committed against Rohingya Muslims so far, and the government has played an important role in committing and intensifying these crimes, in accordance with the examples of genocide in international instruments such as murder, grievous bodily harm, and deliberate deprivation of life. And measures to prevent childbirth, genocide are being committed in Myanmar.

Dear Editor-in-chief, The Republic of the Union of Myanmar – formerly known as Burma – is a small nation located in South East of Asia, on the border of Thailand, Laos, China and Bangladesh (Figure. 1). According to a 2014 census, the country has a population of over 51 million people. The country is officially a Buddhist state, but with 135 recognized ethnic minorities, it boasts a big religious diversity as well. Based on the 2014 census, over two million of Myanmar’ s residents identified as Muslims. Myanmar has a total area of 262, 000 square miles (678, 500 km2), and consists of 14 stets and regions (1-3). Many of Burma’ s indigenous Muslims live in Rakhine State, on the Western coast next to the border with Bangladesh. Rohingya are however considered to be stateless, because the Myanmar Government officially considers the ethnic minority to be illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. The persecution has forced nearly one million Rohingya to flee into Bangladesh since 1977, with many more seeking refuge in other countries. Other Muslim countries have opened their doors to the refugees, with some choosing to flee to India, Pakistan, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Rohingya face discrimination and barriers to health care (4, 5). According to a 2016 study published in the medical journal "The Lancet", Rohingya children in Myanmar face low birth weight, malnutrition, diarrhea, and barriers to reproduction on reaching adulthood (4). Rohingya have a child mortality rate of up to 224 deaths per 1000 live births, more than 4 times the rate for the rest of Myanmar (52 per 1000 live births), and 3 times rate of rest non-Rohingya areas of Rakhine state (77 per 1000 live births) (4, 5). The paper also found that 40% of Rohingya children suffer from diarrhea in internally displaced persons camp within Myanmar at a rate five times that of diarrheal illness among children in the rest of Rakhine (4).

In this paper, we study the dynamics of the diphtheria outbreak among the immunocompromised group of people, the Rohingya ethnic group. Approximately 800,000 Rohingya refugees are living in the Balukhali refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar. The camp is densely populated with the scarcity of proper food, healthcare, and sanitation. Subsequently, in November 2017 a diphtheria epidemic occurred in this camp. To keep up with the pace of the disease spread, medical demands, and disaster planning, we set out to predict diphtheria outbreaks among Bangladeshi Rohingya immigrants. We adopted a modified Susceptible-Latent-Infectious-Recovered (SLIR) transmission model to forecast the possible implications of the diphtheria outbreak in the Rohingya camps of Bangladesh. We discussed two distinct situations: the daily confirmed cases and cumulative data with unique consequences of diphtheria. Data for statistical and numerical simulations were obtained from \cite{Matsuyama}. We used the fourth-order Runge-Kutta method to obtain numerical simulations for varying parameters of the model which would demonstrate conclusive estimates. Daily and cumulative data predictions were explored for alternative values of the parameters i.e., disease transmission rate $(\beta)$ and recovery rate $(\gamma)$. Additionally, the average basic reproduction number for the parameters $\beta$ and $\gamma$ was calculated and displayed graphically. Our analysis demonstrated that the diphtheria outbreak would be under control if the maintenance could perform properly. The results of this research can be utilized by the Bangladeshi government and other humanitarian organizations to forecast disease outbreaks. Furthermore, it might help them to make detailed and practical planning to avoid the worst scenario.

The available scholarship does not agree on the exact date of Muslim arrival to America. Early Islam in America could have been a Pre-Columbian presence, while some scholars suggested a Columbian or even a post-Columbian contact. None of the three views discuss the idea of Muslim minorities among early Muslims to America. (West) Africa was the origin of many free and slave Africans who later made it to America. Given the influence of various Muslim dynasties (e.g. Fatimids and Idrisids in North, and later in other parts of Africa), some questions are raised: were there any religious minorities among early Muslims who came (or were brought) to America; when did early Muslims enter America? Contact theories were briefly reviewed to show early presence of Islam in America was multi-faceted. I traced the very first moments of Islam in America from among (West) African slaves. Interestingly, some slaves practiced Islam differently. It was suggested that since not much has been left from early Islam in America, in all probability early Muslims were slaves who did not have the power to establish their presence and practice their religion. Religious differences in early Islam in America seemed to be a matter of culture and choice, of which many Muslims might have been unaware. The paper concluded that the current literature on the history of (Shii) Muslim minorities in America focused on immigrants and did not cover periods of slavery. That might indicate why some scholars opined minorities like Shias came during the late nineteenth century.